Saturday, December 13, 2008

Response Card With Food Options

FPDT THE LIVES, THE STRUGGLE CONTINUES! notes on the fly, from combat experience - CAYO VICENTE

September 11, 2007 at 7:33 p.m. (

test)




by Cayo Vicente, with Love for those who listen solidarisers this text, and everybody knows why ...
http://www.apiavirtual.com/2007/09/11/ - FPDT el-live-the-struggle-continues /
The consummation of this mega project represented a major advance in the implementation of Plan Puebla Panama, complementary part of Agreement for the Establishment of a Free Trade Area of \u200b\u200bthe Americas (FTAA), designed with the objective of ensuring the deepening of economic domination, political, cultural, military and U.S. imperialism in Latin America through the plundering of their natural resources, mainly water , energy and biodiversity, "the exploitation of workers and monopoly control of the markets. had to overcome.
Three municipalities were affected by the expropriation: Chimalhuacan, Texcoco and Atenco. The latter was involved with over 80% of its length, so that organized opposition it is particularly important for resistance, whose starting address soon ceased to be in the hands of the lukewarm and calculating local leaders of the PRD, who were displaced longtime activists in the independent struggle of recognized honesty and consistency, identified in the nucleus called the United Residents San Salvador Atenco (Hauss). Disciplined group that treasured years of experience in the social struggle that began with the promotion and participation of the Popular Front Regional Texcoco, later, in his modest expansion, change of name to the Popular Front of the Valley of Mexico, two years before the birth extinct FPDT necessary.
These colleagues focused their activism to promote self-management initiatives and actions of collective benefit, such as enlargement of the drainage system, installation of street lighting, construction of bridges, relocation of the cemetery, street paving, property tax reduction, construction of the auditorium municipal to the more personal and warm solidarity with those who requested it, collaborating with them in the work of cultivation and harvest of the land, building their houses, assistance in illness or hospitalization, economic hardship, in danger of being stripped their modest property in the mediation of disputes within families, etc.. In addition to developing a policy of effective and concrete support to teachers struggling, neighborhood, student, or the collection and transfer of food, clothing, medicine and food to victims Zapatista base communities of the fierce state repression unleashed on the occasion of the arrival indigenous EZLN in January 1994. What followed

after the official announcement of the decree and stateless criminal was not a loving way of merger, of recognition, hard, slow, prolonged and difficult collective learning for resistance.
A people trussed up to the depths of his being Man-Woman forced to react and reliable leadership that had earned its place to pulse with actual facts and not ever be assumed as such, began to be one and ceased to be every man to become all. And we realized that being different in the level of education, level of commitment in the forms of participation in the skills for either practical work in the way of seeing things and relate to others, the experience of struggle of each and how we assimilate it, in character, in temperament, personality, age, sex, in religious or political ideas, etc.., WAS common and indispensable: the defense of the basic right to life including that of our mother earth, threatened us with death.

To bring down the expropriation decree lined up our resistance by two complementary ways: the legal and political. But for us it was clear that the second would determine the first. So the organization and mobilization were constant priority, but we to disregard the legal aspect. Which brings us allowed to lay bare the falsity of adherence to the law which peaked whenever the government to justify its aggressions and ambitions. In this field also won. It was necessary to close any possibility of the beast of prey. Gradually we

identifying the irreplaceable importance of the General Assembly as the common place to exchange views, propose tasks, establish agreements and develop action plans. So we learned to recognize in others that were different ourselves. Wide meetings were open to anyone who wanted to fight even coming from outside our communities, we listened with interest and amazement to all who wanted to share their experiences and give us the tool of old ideological and theoretical clarity, we took what we considered useful to the cause and we agreed what to do as FPDT, without interference from other organizations.
Our initial steps were buying safety when they saw us together the most beautiful and selfless solidarity of individuals and groups, both in Mexico and around the world. All tendencies of the Left met and all in Atenco reciprocated respect and without bias, simply because they have been known in practice, risking their lives to us. We realized that there were doctrinal differences between some of them and never meddled in this issue, do not permit that would decide before us, as we were engaged in other more pressing situations. We learned that the best word is action and we heard tell that some doctors did not commit lucidly spoken in the particular activity. It also appeared that several colleagues had FPDT sympathy for a political party, but are not assaulted or expel anyone for this, as an organization always maintained an independent position and never trust an organization of electoral, and knew about their corruption, their mediating role, its ability to fit the movement and trade with them to the highest bidder: these traces left their path forever.
In the process of our defense had many setbacks and most critical moments, but amid these circumstances we found a way to find among all, not always ideal but the least worst. We dared to be bold, fearless, sometimes reckless, and use unconventional ways to demonstrate how bad government conduct. So, we seized their vehicles when surreptitiously penetrated our lands for exploration techniques outside the law, while we were covered and pending court decisions on the approval of the works, and use it for the tours we did over and across the country in spreading the problem we faced and the monitoring of our land; detectábamos and we watched the infiltrators who were relieved permanently in their miserable task and give them high-risk tasks to be fulfilled by failing to show how what they were collecting their radios, phones, cameras or video, and modest use to establish our communications network and to record the memory of the Movement movilizábamos us taking our tools, among which came to the fore the bandanna and the machete, to become a symbol of our struggle.
Slowly and because of the urgent need to communicate, we were putting into practice all forms of dissemination and propaganda potential. Reclaiming the experience of other movements learned to make weekly bulletin boards, assemble photo exhibitions, conducted glues, paint and murals on walls and stones, we encourage you to make flyers, stickers, periodiquitos, posters, even putting shirts with legends fight our dogs and painting slogans on our donkeys or horses, put horns on cars and went out to spread the struggle through loudspeakers in the communities or we would encourage other states to other people's struggles; invent slogans droll and serious but still significant, organized parodies times Short-term elections where the candidate of unity was the donkey Chon, the you always think only one had all the qualities to braying seriously, we were also putting together our videos and songs, and we go until round tables, forums, debates, conferences, press conferences, information meetings and rallies, which even made within their own community church in the middle of the mass. Appeared in official act of importance as it could, to boycott. Mobilization incorporate all the national flag, a sheepskin coyote and a banner with the image of the Divine Saviour. In short, everything that serves to disseminate, Bury, propagandize, agitate, educate, organize and provide feedback. The conscience of us grew to little and did not return to be the same as ever. Our partners rose exemplary and their participation was crucial in the process of this struggle. Without them, the resistance would have been impossible.
The enthusiasm of young people most advanced of our Organization gave life to the creation of the House of Culture, established when they decided to take the library and give real use, through which were organized in coordination with several sister organizations, workshops in drawing, painting, dance, theater, video projections, remedial courses and a lot more academic initiatives to increase our understanding of the world and life, our consciousness, moral, and sensitivity.
Nothing was easy, because in addition to our inexperience with a challenge as we faced, we had to overcome many ways trying to federal, state and municipal authorities to detain or destroy our movement, such as invasion of external agents, betrayal by co-opting participating partners from within in its monitoring, provocation, attacks, blackmail, threats, lies, slander, offering perks, spreading rumors and gossip to divide among ourselves and face, harassment, pressure, plus campaigns of disinformation and isolation in the print media and electronic.
The accumulation of necessary tasks that called for each point in time far exceeded our economic possibilities, so drawing on the experience of other movements, the creative ingenuity of our colleagues and solidarity, we learned to get ahead sometimes literally from bankruptcy and the only explanation is that the people are an inexhaustible source of devotion, dedication, enthusiasm, initiative, brotherhood. Silkscreen is printed on bandanas and T-shirts, raffles were held, boat, collections, kermesses, dances, etc. and treated as much as possible to give a clear management of financial resources. Never accept a donation in exchange to subject ideologically or otherwise.
So collectively we grew, we made many mistakes but varied and were always willing to correct, or at least not to repeat, but still dragged several as involuntary warlordism, the almost total absence of ideological training events and the lack of systematization of our experience control. We were never perfect and we had it all planned: "sharpen a machete, we face pissed, we hold Madrazo, and overcome." No, it was not, rather we fight as we, in our way and Conditions and acknowledge that we have much to learn still, we do not feel superior to anyone, nor do we have the moral authority to go around giving lectures on how, when, where and with whom to do things. As conglomerate forged in combat went on the road, wondering what we could do with our limited ideological and theoretical knowledge, few, rudimentary, with our own efforts and meager resources, with our obsessive determination to live and our undeniable need for overcome while dealing with a burning and overwhelming uncertainty. And there was no other: either we struggled with the real possibility of dying, that never underestimate the economic, political and military government, or were dead and the death more sordid, cold black: death in life. The victory, but cherished and dreamed, it was objectively, practically, the more remote possibility.
III .- AND POVERTY STILL HERE ...
On July 11, 2002 the government staged a provocation designed to the last detail with the intention of striking a decisive blow to FPDT action in which hundreds of police assaulted near 30 comrades who came to the Commission to protest to the governor. As a result we had several wounded and 19 arrested, including two of the most resolute fellow, visible and representative of the Movement, to what the people's response was unanimous and overwhelming. Had to be rescued all but the prison where they took was heavily guarded, including snipers, as well as the deployment of repressive forces in the access roads. The collective initiative led to the unexpected invasion of the central offices of the Attorney General in Texcoco, where they were several officials who were ordered to follow the fate of the communities, so they went with the crowd at Auditorio de San Salvador Atenco . The electronic media and written, particularly the first, became a channel of communication between the FPDT and the government, which also gave notice, in its traditional double-speak, members of all police forces and military around us. It was time for the ovens of the José Martí spoke, and had nothing to see but light. The stripped the system crisis in the words of an official who responded to the request for redemption of our companions, "to let them have what they want, we do not care for anything at all, but yes, we will enter you and we will end .... " Later, as a result of broad support, even encouraged, generated around us given the enormous and unanticipated national and global impact, in addition to the profound contradictions between the government being debated in federal and state level regarding the how to resolve the imbroglio surrounding his sordid stupidity, without discounting the determination of the General Assembly not to give in and be ready to fight unequal, without surrender, is that we gracefully from this trance. Our Brothers the back we had to keep fighting on our side, and so we finally amalgamated forever in the struggle, risk, pain, sacrifice, hope, and dignity, in victory, joy ... In Life!
On July 25, 2002 we planted our brother José Enrique Espinoza Juarez, who died the previous day, a victim of the cowardly beating given him by the police on 11 July. That day also banished from our collective being any residue of fear, anxiety or doubt. That day pregnant at death, which ceased to be such for us. That day the decree buried forever cursed and sickly, which is soon to issue certificates to 01 August of that year. Hyenas hid his claw awaiting more propitious times. We merge bandana and machete where you can re-take: in the brain, heart and fevered bodies radiate more life forever.
As expected the joy of winning the government was tremendous. Some of our companions decided that was enough to walk, others not. Sensed that the victories or defeats are temporary, it was continuing the fight, and found further that were in the same conditions of poverty and oppression that existed before Fox decreed the law of their greed and their own. We realize you have a win in the end left us as we were before having to defend ourselves. "Fame" not serve us to live. There was, therefore, to continue, had to go now the whole country, recover, make it our own, remove it from the hands of those who bow down and looted, who do not love but the prostitutes to their advantage. It had to be and we had to begin or continue as you see, now that we had confirmed that it was unwise pirates dream down planes with machetes warriors, now we discover the transformative energies and curls up in the bowels of the people when he wakes from a long slumber, now that the light forever caressed the soul. So do not contemplate stood placidly in the mirror to celebrate the victory laurels ornamenting live up to ridicule. No. We decided to go and accompany all other latitudes that were defending themselves against any injustice. We went out to meet those who tended his hand when we need them, we went to thank them and say here we are, here we can count on us always, no surrender, go ahead, we deserve much more than this rotting System. So we are honored to march with workers, students, settlers, farmers, street vendors, artists and intellectuals, teachers, EZLN support bases, in short, all kinds of workers, even went to Central America and Europe, always taking our modest solidarity concrete, effective, timely, cheerful, selfless.
and began a new era in the life of our TPDF. Peasants began to come from different places and were incorporated into the facts, we have grown steadily, now defending the hill, now independent transport, sometimes preventing the establishment of housing units in almost denuded communal lands, gradually we became expansive umbrella. Our land became further Dignity in gunpowder.
continued the ongoing battle for the betterment of our living conditions. He settled a dialogue with the government, which persistently demand the creation of schools with coverage for all who require it, without exception, we demand the establishment of regional productive development programs, you start a trust fund of 800,000 pesos for the family our comrade killed, as well as ensuring the education of their children to college and decent work, with the rank of permanent base for his wife and partner, obtained the freedom of new colleagues and unjustly imprisoned. Recover even the money we do not know who deposited as security for each of our prisoners on July 11, to come out immediately in the midst of crisis, we spend it to cover the fees of our attorneys. Also hard-won formal representation dedicated Ejido Commission, to ensure the inviolability of our territory. Also try to articulate the local women's movement towards greater participation and qualitative growth.
Not to stop doing what we learned in the process. Our solidarity opened its arms to all the organizational effort that was generated between the different sectors of the national population control. Forge naturally an indissoluble bond with our fellow Zapatistas, and we adhere to the effort of building the "Other Campaign" as a serious project of convergence for the urgent and necessary social transformation. We should not walk alone, we had to look for the same in all places that could be sensed, sailing together and find your true definition of the practice rather than discourse on fertility rather than appearance.
And that was state terrorism. Being clear the falsity of the democratic progress of the institutions, the modern state of law and the inviolable authority of the exercise of human rights and political freedoms. We knew that the domain and class hatred of the exploiters is more alive than ever and will not disappear of their own volition. There was never an end of history. I never believed. Now I reconfirm. The more dehumanized
dishonor was devoted to Mexico in the new millennium, on 3 and 4 May 2006. When mediocrity, cowardice and depravity of the three levels of government, the PAN federal, state and municipal PRD PRI, given respectively by Vicente Fox Quesada, Enrique Peña Nieto, Nazario Gutiérrez Martínez (Texcoco) and Pascual Pineda Sanchez (Atenco) launched four thousand orangutans exemplary trained to annihilate the FPDT. The sky is dark uprooting and architects of the night made their first feast of blood, mud and shit. The fascist beast began to show their foul and monstrous claws.
IV .- THE SIZE OF YOUR FEAR OF PEOPLE.
Javier Cortes Santiago (16 years) and Alexis Benhumea Hernández (20 years) were murdered and added their names to the list of guardian warriors of light, shadow hunters, who guard the spring that a new day will come inevitably. Twenty-nine brothers were kidnapped in Santiaguito prison, three in the extermination maximum criminal known as The Highlands, formerly La Palma, and four children in the Council Guardianship of Texcoco. Five were summarily deported. Hundred forty-four adults and five juveniles were arrested and released to parole the sentence of existing judicial process, after paying the fare to the law, that old bitch, I demanded. An unknown number of arrest warrants hanging over several brothers and still far away you hear the mighty macabre laughter. Pure state terrorism
live such frigid, black and fetid hours spent as ever. But our neighbors never left us alone with this nightmare. All over the world heard the voice of solidarity sublime. The Sixth Commission of the EZLN and the Other Campaign were the first in that forever unforgettable gesture. Then came others, who keep a place like the heart.
Faced with a vastly superior enemy resist a thousand ways simultaneously: fleeing, retreating, healing the wounds to return to the trenches, refusing to the mouth of the dungeon, even within them, haranguing the soul in the house that, unfortunately, visited the horror; recontact, reorganization or marching in public and private meeting, mobilizing overcoming the poison of fear that they wanted to inoculate, telling the silence and distance that we will never let go of their hands, looking angry as to prevent strangers and sojourners "militants" FPDT steal and profit in his personal benefit money coming generous support for our organization, even before the events in Oaxaca, where the APPO was given birth by the Aurora, supporting continuous monitoring of the Damned, dodging ambushes to disappear or attack us, facing slander trying to sow discord and distrust among our people, enduring the pain coming from the misunderstanding of those who do for us without us, who bargain their support because they say we should just accept their solidarity in exclusive monopoly; bebiéndonos the pure arrogance of any right now speaking to us because we find systematic theory fragile; detecting state agents to infiltrate, which are made shirts of the Other Campaign (like those in particular, and although this is not the demerits before us) as and rehurgan dig for clues on the whereabouts of colleagues sheltered, symbolized Our America beautiful and dignified in our chest protecting the concentrated light that radiates hope in a better time.
is brief FPDT our existence as compared to the passing of the centuries, and so far there are three distinct stages based on their quality: the first, ranging from the rise to victory against the airport, the second comprising the own growth with the accession of most communities, the establishment of tables for dialogue with the state government to demand solutions to specific demands, solidarity back to the organizations and individuals in our extensive national geography, the pairing with that fundamental construction effort is the Other Campaign and to repression fatal May 2006 , the third ranging from our re-articulation and survival, the adequacy of our policy of alliances with the conditions we face, to obtain the freedom of our fellow prisoners. Liberty will not hesitate. Go
our enemies have reason to hate us for loving. Your Hatred at a speed of sixty-seven years millisecond, as raving statement that will see fulfilled in our brothers. For that we are already owners, from before, moral and historic victory and very soon will be also of politics.
For that adversity has hardened us for the challenges that we propose our time. That after the intention of annihilating are alive and ready to fight, as we are descendants of Nezahualcoyotl. Why are not alone. For here we go, and despite everything we still sing. Because we love a flying machete ...

FREEDOM FOR POLITICAL PRISONERS OF MEXICO AND THE WORLD!
ZAPATA LIVES, THE STRUGGLE CONTINUES! VIVA LA LUCHA
OF THE PEOPLE FOR THEIR RELEASE! San Salvador Atenco, Mexico State, Mexico, September 2007.





Germinating Calamansi

The Oaxacan commonality: Impunity Indigenous Autonomy Vs State - CARLOS MANZO


October 22, 2007 at 2:57 p.m. (

test)



Carlos Manzo
Unihidalguense City Council / CNI / The Other Campaign
http://www.rebelion.org/ noticia.php? id = 57997 At Continental Meeting Indigenous Peoples of America
The National Indigenous Congress (CNI)


"Welcome the rainbow bridge welcome, welcome the step that goes and comes, always welcome to walk the floor, yours, ours, that of everyone that we are. "[1]

1. The context and background

In our country, we are experiencing repression as a model of 'governance' right institutional power. The madness of those currently 'rule' is measured by the growing impunity of State, which, although it sounds contradictory, it is overlapped by partisan political compromise, where the main trading cards and party legislators are precisely the impunity that crawl.

Beyond the dozens of assassinations and political prisoners in southern Iraq, the State tested the establishment of a special police and military control over the population, in Oaxaca, for example, today it is almost impossible to implement a new Congress and General Assembly of the APPO. The military checkpoints on all roads in addition to the multiplication and police harassment in the Oaxacan capital and major cities in full electoral period. In the margin of impunity negotiated by the tyrant Ulises Ruiz, there is room, and I may be wrong, murder, political prisoners and violations of the most basic human rights.

The regime's repressive strategy, in addition to the special cases of Atenco and Oaxaca, one of its main objectives is precisely dismantle 'the Other Campaign ", organized and led by the EZLN and hundreds of organizations, groups and individuals of all institutions of the country. They, CISEN for example, know that the organizational potential of the Other Campaign, with a time and objectives different from electoral party politics may actually represent a serious obstacle to his claim neoliberal privatization of land, natural resources and energy sources, mainly petrochemicals and electricity. Strong economic interests of transnational corporations and governments, are the backdrop to all this repressive situation.

A growing impunity for cases of 'criminalization' and murder of social movements in Oaxaca, there are the notorious cases of confirmed child abuse in Puebla business and political leaders who, being 'ignored' by the electronic media (Radio and TV ), no justice imposed on them as state criminals.

In this context, the actions of 'sabotage of the assets of the nation' claimed by the EPR, rather than encourage self-satisfaction of their demands, namely, the presentation two political disappearances documented by DH agencies, to 'justify' the sobremilitarización, impedes the progress of the organization of any independent expression of the indigenous movement and society in general. These actions leave a lot of independent social organizations, the indigenous movement and the Other Campaign to a virtual state of siege.

2. The National Indigenous Movement

By raising in general the existence of a National Indigenous Movement (MIN), I mean all people, communities, organizations, groups, assemblies and other spaces that express, through various means, a struggle, so less ideologically in the defense and recognition of the rights of indigenous peoples. Thus, we see inside the MIN, on the one hand, an important set of organizations that have opted for a reform of state and even has the recognition by the IFE as a matter of NPC, we refer to the ANIPA. On the other hand, we can see the permanence of the National Indigenous Congress (CNI), from October '95 to date, space for discussion, dialogue, participation and organization, with significant participation of the Zapatistas at different times. For example, in the formation of the National Indigenous Forum in January 1996, prior to the signing of the San Andrés Accords, the March of the color of the earth, in 2001, largely on the paths of the Other Campaign, in 2006, and now in the squad for the Continental Meeting of Indigenous Peoples of America, held in the Yaqui community of Vicam in recent days.

Other regional expressions of national indigenous movement are rarely involved in national as already mentioned, such cases would Guerrero Ejidos Council and Communities in Opposition to the Parota dam, which has been woven over many years a network of nongovernmental agencies and organizations in support of their main demand, that has earned him the temporary suspension of the project, issued by a federal judge, following the filing one under the ejidatarios, the dam is intended to leave and stripped of their land to thousands of Indians and peasants in this region ... Cases like this are not exempt from facing the state's repressive methods.

An important feature that marks the bifurcation of goals and interests within the MIN will be the appearance of the Sixth Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle in 2005 and the beginning of 'The Other Campaign ", from January 2006 until now force, the above bifurcation is evident, especially with the completion of the fourth session of the National Indigenous Congress in May 2006 in San Pedro Atlapulco where in the context of the bloody repression in San Salvador Atenco and Atempa San Blas, the latter in the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, the CNI plenary consensus meeting concluded and signed the Sixth Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle and, thus, considered adherent ' The Other Campaign. "

After touring the country for more than a year, the Other Campaign, particularly the so-called 'Sixth Committee', emphasized the importance of articulating the indigenous resistance in direct opposition to the neoliberal project of the current regime. Thus, the capitalist nature of the Other Campaign, expressed in the Sixth Declaration and agreed on a national consultation adherents, is an important source of alternatives to capitalism and experiences of struggle in regional forms that are kept alive in much of the indigenous regions of Mexico.

has been misinterpreted by many indigenous and non indigenous to the Other Campaign that the dialogue with institutions of state, broke with the principle anti-systemic, however, the defense of land and natural resources, and the release political prisoners necessarily have meant that dialogue in their struggles, mostly isolated to ensure the rights of peoples and communities.

3. Oaxacan Communality

In Oaxaca, in the last eight years, the governments of José Murat and URO have tested an escalation of repression, whose main background is its own experience - 'escuela'-in the Dirty War in the early seventies, with Echeverria to the head.

The disappearance of Victor Pineda Henestrosa (Victor iodine) in 1978, then advisor of the last CBC Juchitán, preceded by a strong militarized repression peasant and indigenous movement in most of the country, marks the beginning of the chaos of the political system Oaxacan PRI based on regional chiefdoms. As expected, as usual, the last electoral situation in this state, leave balance red and repression in those municipalities where it was previously detected some chance of victory of the opposition parties to the PRI. That in some cases were victims of fraud and impositions, unlike the election of deputies in the municipal elections turnout was lower.

After the last wave of repression suffered by the COCEI in the first half of the 80's, will be with Diodoro Carrasco when the State to further engage the repression and criminalization of social movements, as a rule must for maintaining the 'governance' in regions. The best known case, so far maintained an entire indigenous council in prison for federal charges, is that of the Loxichas, in accordance with this experience, thirteen years ago indigenous political prisoners of the most integrated Loxichas the council of San Miguel and San Agustin , community assemblies elected by the regime of customs and traditions.

This experience autonomic interests directly opposed privatizing of the chiefdom, headed by Diodorus PRI, in '95, there was already talk of mining interests in the area, which now account for bioprospecting and the forest contained in the PPP . The political prisoners of the Loxichas were accused of belonging to EPR, this The latter has publicly disclaimed any link with them, but the federal government maintains federal charges for insurrection and rebellion, the LIMEDDH lawyers have constantly demanded the promulgation of an amnesty law, which in our time seems impossible.

In Latin America, the neoliberal economic model in its last phase as chaotic capitalist historical system is characterized by the imposition of global firms, transnational mega-projects under the Plan Puebla Panama. These corporations, as is the case of the English Gamesa, Preneal, Iberdrola, Endesa, among others, in the so-called Wind Corridor of the Isthmus, are the spearhead of neo-colonialism that seeks to be exhausted in less than 50 years the natural resources of the indigenous regions of Latin America. In almost all these regions, which are now threatened and affected by wind-electric and hydroelectric, petrochemical, highways, mining, hotels, among others, the main effect is the dispossession of lands, territories and natural resources, leading to greater impoverishment of communities and therefore, the expulsion of people who, for the cases of Mexico and Central America, emigrated to the United States. A number of these cases can be seen in several meetings and meetings of organizations Indians, as has been mentioned by the National Indigenous Congress (CNI) as follows:

"... no coincidence that in recent years, months and weeks has increased the aggression of the government and large corporations to our people such as with the community of Banks wixárika San Hipólito, Durango, which is denied the recognition of their lands and their very existence as a community, while others receive permits to build on its rich forests of pine and oak (...) with the autonomous municipality of Suljaa ', Guerrero, and community radio, who are persecuted and repressed by the government; just as happens in Zirahuén, Michoacán, with its Blue Lake and its lands are coveted by foreign companies in the Mission Chichimecas, Guanajuato, where chiefs of the region protected by court decisions intended illegal appropriation of their lands, or Tepoztlan, Morelos, on whose land powerful economic groups insist on the construction of a golf club and currently leads community's defense in the agrarian courts despite threats to strip, or in the case of ejido Ayotitlan Nahua, Jalisco, Minera Peña Colorada where Hylsamex group, the largest in Latin America, every day steal and destroy the lands, mountains and waters ejido with the complicity of the government, the same happens in Zapotec communities of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec to the greed of the English companies such as Gamesa, Endesa and Iberdrola Preneal who are stealing their land with the intention of building wind power plants, or is what occurs in the Nahua community of Haimatsíe wixárika Cuzalapa and both the state of Jalisco, who claim to be dismembered by the application of Community Certificate Program. " [2]

could add further cases of the La Parota dam, hydroelectric power plants in Oaxaca and Jalapa del Marques in the Usumacinta in Chiapas.

the past fifteen years there has been an important indigenous resistance and organized civil against these projects, [3] isolated in each region or country.

In some cases the mobilization and legal mechanisms have allowed the rights of indigenous peoples, but has also been very clear the strategy of repression, murder, imprisonment and other human rights violations by the State in a large number of them.

Regardless of media management that is the case of Oaxaca, the APPO and the EPR, which will reap dividends of impunity who have come to the repressive regimes of URO and Calderon, it is clear that we are facing the implementation of a coordinated strategy and military police control, to ensure the imposition of the PPP in several regions of Oaxaca, as in the south and southeast.

In these times of severe repression and, hence, the proliferation of state impunity, it is imperative for communities and organizations sharpen communication strategies and common action, to permit, beyond the demands of the state formulation, implementation historical use of alternatives, exercise or recreation of indigenous autonomy is one of them.

A month before the fierce repression of November 25, 2006, implemented "basically for the PFP in Oaxaca, David Venegas "Alebrije" together with representatives of groups and small organizations in the APPO and the Other Campaign, generated a critical space for participation alternative, 'anarchist' say some, known as Oaxacan Voices Constructing Autonomy and Freedom (VOCAL ), this space has been wrongly considered by some as an offshoot of the same APPO. In April of this year, David Venegas was arrested by judicial police of Ulises Ruiz and continues today arrested on charges prefabricated. The clear anti-Party and anti-systemic political vision of most groups of VOCAL, is faithfully represented in the Alebrije, this finding is seen when he says, referring to the current situation of the APPO, past local elections:

"Oaxaca has changed and nothing will ever be the same. While politicians of all political parties are determined to follow his momentum into the void and destruction, men and women of Oaxaca who fight and resist have decided to depart from that path, the election, full of pitfalls and frustrations, to practice in his place, his right to active construction, independent and liberating their future. "

Ixcotel From Jail, David continues to make an accurate diagnosis of the situation of the APPO which states:

"This inertia of the political class is also represented in decision-making bodies of the social movement, the leadership of Section 22 and APPO State Council, which are today a powerful lesson which hopefully will be learned. The people of Oaxaca who walk in this struggle they have shown that there are masses, which can shape your tastes and interests. In this movement involved thousands of ordinary men and women of good heart, but no naive to accept without question, especially without participating in the "guidance" of some leaders who are determined to be at the forefront of this movement only achieve their own personal ambitions or group. " [4]

If we analyze in depth the characterization that David makes the APPO, the same amounts to disturb the chiefdoms of the PRI and even leaders of the APPO in the last election were thwarted their 'legitimate' aspirations.

Beyond the various trends and differences in policy objectives within the APPO and the teachers' movement to Section XXII of the CNTE, which has become known as the Oaxacan Social Movement, which remains latent conflict outcome seems to sail with impunity as the best style of government.

URO, the tyrant, also known as the 'raccoon more ', has tried again' full car 'in the municipal elections, the districts of Central, which account for a majority of municipalities governed by the party system are vital to continue without disturbance of any kind, the Wind Corridor megaproject of the Isthmus, which chairs the Planning Council URO own. Even the fact that some municipalities such as Juchitán, Tehuantepec, Union Hidalgo have been won by the opposition to the PRI, this is not a real opposition to the mining project, as these city governments have shown in a subservient to transnational corporations. This is shown by the PRD mayor of Juchitan in recent years has signed authorizations and permissions of 'land use change' to facilitate the installation of wind turbines on its territory.

In the vast majority of peoples and communities of Oaxaca, is recognized by Indian intellectuals and a number of organizations, the existence of commonality and the lifestyles of indigenous peoples [5], from the first characterization of Floriberto Diaz, [6] posed that consists of 4 key elements are: land, partying, work and power, the latter two represented, in the case of communal work by tequio the Gozon, the hand turn, and in the case of communal power by the assemblies. In a graphic illustration of these elements into a community flower, Rendón put the corn in the middle of them, giving significant importance to maize.

In a context characterized by the continuing struggle of our people against the political and economic chiefdoms, as well as the disastrous consequences of modernizing institutional policies, the commonality is presented as a guide for the indigenous resistance in different areas of the exercise of our right to autonomy, hence that some institutions and academics to flunk date, the use of the term communality as a concept or stone analysis the reality of our peoples, claiming certain lack of 'conceptual rigor' and the impartiality and neutrality no 'politics' of the researcher and / or promoter with the 'object of study' or 'social subject' in question. Juan José and other communalists have been victims of this senseless and academic institutional vision that unfortunately prevails to date in these media for the sake of a supposed 'objectivity' of knowledge. By contrast, many towns and communities recognize as its primary objective the integral reconstitution of their cultures based on the strengthening and development of communalism, and is also manifested in some areas such as the National Indigenous Congress.

With regard to commonality, we would like to pointed in principle is a concept with historical and anthropological sense, from within the indigenous vision, with a high cultural connotations concerning the analysis of the lifestyle of indigenous peoples, in fact Rendón is under the 'system we call cultural community', but also believes that it is not finished and unchanging entity but something in constant motion and change, probably the dialectical character of the concept is owed some Anthropologists consider the absence of 'conceptual rigor. "

The concept allows a comparative analysis especially while in his historical existence, "the fundamental similarity of the indigenous legacy of their ancient culture - even with its changes and differences, and even links to the indigenous peoples is communal life, or commonality, which can be understood as equal rights and obligations of all members of the community to participate in deciding the fate of this and to enjoy its goods and products.

[1] Speech by Subcomandante Marcos, in the final plenary of the National Indigenous Forum on 7 January 1996. Taken from Ce-Reed, Journal of Culture of Anahuac, Double No. special, 76-77, January 1996, p.85.

[2] Tuapurie Declaration of the Indian National Congress, Central-Pacific region, given in akwaixit + in + a, New Colony, Tuapurie indigenous community of Santa Catarina Cuexcomatitlán, Wixárika territory on 27 November 2005.

[3] would be the case: the Zapatista Movement expressed in the Other Campaign in Mexico and internationally, the Landless Movement in Brazil, among others.

[4] David Venegas, Letter from Prison Ixcotel, Oaxaca Different paths, August 5, 2007.

[5] Definition of the concept of commonality, used by Master Juan José Rendón Monzón. (RIP)

[6] Floriberto Díaz, an indigenous Mixe, founder of the Mixe People's Services, before his death in 1995 promoted major national meetings that foreshadowed the profile of the National Indigenous Movement in Mexico.

Tuesday, July 24, 2007

How Long Does A D And C Help

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