October 22, 2007 at 2:57 p.m. (
test)
Saturday, December 13, 2008
Germinating Calamansi
The Oaxacan commonality: Impunity Indigenous Autonomy Vs State - CARLOS MANZO
October 22, 2007 at 2:57 p.m. (
test)
Unihidalguense City Council / CNI / The Other Campaign October 22, 2007 at 2:57 p.m. (
test)
A Raul and Bertha, exiled Oaxacan Indigenous Movement. At fellow political prisoners of Atenco and Oaxaca. At partners in the other National and International Campaign
fellow
The National Indigenous Congress (CNI)
"Welcome the rainbow bridge welcome, welcome the step that goes and comes, always welcome to walk the floor, yours, ours, that of everyone that we are. "[1]
In our country, we are experiencing repression as a model of 'governance' right institutional power. The madness of those currently 'rule' is measured by the growing impunity of State, which, although it sounds contradictory, it is overlapped by partisan political compromise, where the main trading cards and party legislators are precisely the impunity that crawl.
Beyond the dozens of assassinations and political prisoners in southern Iraq, the State tested the establishment of a special police and military control over the population, in Oaxaca, for example, today it is almost impossible to implement a new Congress and General Assembly of the APPO. The military checkpoints on all roads in addition to the multiplication and police harassment in the Oaxacan capital and major cities in full electoral period. In the margin of impunity negotiated by the tyrant Ulises Ruiz, there is room, and I may be wrong, murder, political prisoners and violations of the most basic human rights.
The regime's repressive strategy, in addition to the special cases of Atenco and Oaxaca, one of its main objectives is precisely dismantle 'the Other Campaign ", organized and led by the EZLN and hundreds of organizations, groups and individuals of all institutions of the country. They, CISEN for example, know that the organizational potential of the Other Campaign, with a time and objectives different from electoral party politics may actually represent a serious obstacle to his claim neoliberal privatization of land, natural resources and energy sources, mainly petrochemicals and electricity. Strong economic interests of transnational corporations and governments, are the backdrop to all this repressive situation.
A growing impunity for cases of 'criminalization' and murder of social movements in Oaxaca, there are the notorious cases of confirmed child abuse in Puebla business and political leaders who, being 'ignored' by the electronic media (Radio and TV ), no justice imposed on them as state criminals.
In this context, the actions of 'sabotage of the assets of the nation' claimed by the EPR, rather than encourage self-satisfaction of their demands, namely, the presentation two political disappearances documented by DH agencies, to 'justify' the sobremilitarización, impedes the progress of the organization of any independent expression of the indigenous movement and society in general. These actions leave a lot of independent social organizations, the indigenous movement and the Other Campaign to a virtual state of siege.
2. The National Indigenous Movement
By raising in general the existence of a National Indigenous Movement (MIN), I mean all people, communities, organizations, groups, assemblies and other spaces that express, through various means, a struggle, so less ideologically in the defense and recognition of the rights of indigenous peoples. Thus, we see inside the MIN, on the one hand, an important set of organizations that have opted for a reform of state and even has the recognition by the IFE as a matter of NPC, we refer to the ANIPA. On the other hand, we can see the permanence of the National Indigenous Congress (CNI), from October '95 to date, space for discussion, dialogue, participation and organization, with significant participation of the Zapatistas at different times. For example, in the formation of the National Indigenous Forum in January 1996, prior to the signing of the San Andrés Accords, the March of the color of the earth, in 2001, largely on the paths of the Other Campaign, in 2006, and now in the squad for the Continental Meeting of Indigenous Peoples of America, held in the Yaqui community of Vicam in recent days.
Other regional expressions of national indigenous movement are rarely involved in national as already mentioned, such cases would Guerrero Ejidos Council and Communities in Opposition to the Parota dam, which has been woven over many years a network of nongovernmental agencies and organizations in support of their main demand, that has earned him the temporary suspension of the project, issued by a federal judge, following the filing one under the ejidatarios, the dam is intended to leave and stripped of their land to thousands of Indians and peasants in this region ... Cases like this are not exempt from facing the state's repressive methods.
An important feature that marks the bifurcation of goals and interests within the MIN will be the appearance of the Sixth Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle in 2005 and the beginning of 'The Other Campaign ", from January 2006 until now force, the above bifurcation is evident, especially with the completion of the fourth session of the National Indigenous Congress in May 2006 in San Pedro Atlapulco where in the context of the bloody repression in San Salvador Atenco and Atempa San Blas, the latter in the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, the CNI plenary consensus meeting concluded and signed the Sixth Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle and, thus, considered adherent ' The Other Campaign. "
After touring the country for more than a year, the Other Campaign, particularly the so-called 'Sixth Committee', emphasized the importance of articulating the indigenous resistance in direct opposition to the neoliberal project of the current regime. Thus, the capitalist nature of the Other Campaign, expressed in the Sixth Declaration and agreed on a national consultation adherents, is an important source of alternatives to capitalism and experiences of struggle in regional forms that are kept alive in much of the indigenous regions of Mexico.
has been misinterpreted by many indigenous and non indigenous to the Other Campaign that the dialogue with institutions of state, broke with the principle anti-systemic, however, the defense of land and natural resources, and the release political prisoners necessarily have meant that dialogue in their struggles, mostly isolated to ensure the rights of peoples and communities.
3. Oaxacan Communality
In Oaxaca, in the last eight years, the governments of José Murat and URO have tested an escalation of repression, whose main background is its own experience - 'escuela'-in the Dirty War in the early seventies, with Echeverria to the head.
The disappearance of Victor Pineda Henestrosa (Victor iodine) in 1978, then advisor of the last CBC Juchitán, preceded by a strong militarized repression peasant and indigenous movement in most of the country, marks the beginning of the chaos of the political system Oaxacan PRI based on regional chiefdoms. As expected, as usual, the last electoral situation in this state, leave balance red and repression in those municipalities where it was previously detected some chance of victory of the opposition parties to the PRI. That in some cases were victims of fraud and impositions, unlike the election of deputies in the municipal elections turnout was lower.
After the last wave of repression suffered by the COCEI in the first half of the 80's, will be with Diodoro Carrasco when the State to further engage the repression and criminalization of social movements, as a rule must for maintaining the 'governance' in regions. The best known case, so far maintained an entire indigenous council in prison for federal charges, is that of the Loxichas, in accordance with this experience, thirteen years ago indigenous political prisoners of the most integrated Loxichas the council of San Miguel and San Agustin , community assemblies elected by the regime of customs and traditions.
This experience autonomic interests directly opposed privatizing of the chiefdom, headed by Diodorus PRI, in '95, there was already talk of mining interests in the area, which now account for bioprospecting and the forest contained in the PPP . The political prisoners of the Loxichas were accused of belonging to EPR, this The latter has publicly disclaimed any link with them, but the federal government maintains federal charges for insurrection and rebellion, the LIMEDDH lawyers have constantly demanded the promulgation of an amnesty law, which in our time seems impossible.
In Latin America, the neoliberal economic model in its last phase as chaotic capitalist historical system is characterized by the imposition of global firms, transnational mega-projects under the Plan Puebla Panama. These corporations, as is the case of the English Gamesa, Preneal, Iberdrola, Endesa, among others, in the so-called Wind Corridor of the Isthmus, are the spearhead of neo-colonialism that seeks to be exhausted in less than 50 years the natural resources of the indigenous regions of Latin America. In almost all these regions, which are now threatened and affected by wind-electric and hydroelectric, petrochemical, highways, mining, hotels, among others, the main effect is the dispossession of lands, territories and natural resources, leading to greater impoverishment of communities and therefore, the expulsion of people who, for the cases of Mexico and Central America, emigrated to the United States. A number of these cases can be seen in several meetings and meetings of organizations Indians, as has been mentioned by the National Indigenous Congress (CNI) as follows:
"... no coincidence that in recent years, months and weeks has increased the aggression of the government and large corporations to our people such as with the community of Banks wixárika San Hipólito, Durango, which is denied the recognition of their lands and their very existence as a community, while others receive permits to build on its rich forests of pine and oak (...) with the autonomous municipality of Suljaa ', Guerrero, and community radio, who are persecuted and repressed by the government; just as happens in Zirahuén, Michoacán, with its Blue Lake and its lands are coveted by foreign companies in the Mission Chichimecas, Guanajuato, where chiefs of the region protected by court decisions intended illegal appropriation of their lands, or Tepoztlan, Morelos, on whose land powerful economic groups insist on the construction of a golf club and currently leads community's defense in the agrarian courts despite threats to strip, or in the case of ejido Ayotitlan Nahua, Jalisco, Minera Peña Colorada where Hylsamex group, the largest in Latin America, every day steal and destroy the lands, mountains and waters ejido with the complicity of the government, the same happens in Zapotec communities of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec to the greed of the English companies such as Gamesa, Endesa and Iberdrola Preneal who are stealing their land with the intention of building wind power plants, or is what occurs in the Nahua community of Haimatsíe wixárika Cuzalapa and both the state of Jalisco, who claim to be dismembered by the application of Community Certificate Program. " [2]
could add further cases of the La Parota dam, hydroelectric power plants in Oaxaca and Jalapa del Marques in the Usumacinta in Chiapas.
the past fifteen years there has been an important indigenous resistance and organized civil against these projects, [3] isolated in each region or country.
In some cases the mobilization and legal mechanisms have allowed the rights of indigenous peoples, but has also been very clear the strategy of repression, murder, imprisonment and other human rights violations by the State in a large number of them.
Regardless of media management that is the case of Oaxaca, the APPO and the EPR, which will reap dividends of impunity who have come to the repressive regimes of URO and Calderon, it is clear that we are facing the implementation of a coordinated strategy and military police control, to ensure the imposition of the PPP in several regions of Oaxaca, as in the south and southeast.
In these times of severe repression and, hence, the proliferation of state impunity, it is imperative for communities and organizations sharpen communication strategies and common action, to permit, beyond the demands of the state formulation, implementation historical use of alternatives, exercise or recreation of indigenous autonomy is one of them.
A month before the fierce repression of November 25, 2006, implemented "basically for the PFP in Oaxaca, David Venegas "Alebrije" together with representatives of groups and small organizations in the APPO and the Other Campaign, generated a critical space for participation alternative, 'anarchist' say some, known as Oaxacan Voices Constructing Autonomy and Freedom (VOCAL ), this space has been wrongly considered by some as an offshoot of the same APPO. In April of this year, David Venegas was arrested by judicial police of Ulises Ruiz and continues today arrested on charges prefabricated. The clear anti-Party and anti-systemic political vision of most groups of VOCAL, is faithfully represented in the Alebrije, this finding is seen when he says, referring to the current situation of the APPO, past local elections:
"Oaxaca has changed and nothing will ever be the same. While politicians of all political parties are determined to follow his momentum into the void and destruction, men and women of Oaxaca who fight and resist have decided to depart from that path, the election, full of pitfalls and frustrations, to practice in his place, his right to active construction, independent and liberating their future. "
Ixcotel From Jail, David continues to make an accurate diagnosis of the situation of the APPO which states:
"This inertia of the political class is also represented in decision-making bodies of the social movement, the leadership of Section 22 and APPO State Council, which are today a powerful lesson which hopefully will be learned. The people of Oaxaca who walk in this struggle they have shown that there are masses, which can shape your tastes and interests. In this movement involved thousands of ordinary men and women of good heart, but no naive to accept without question, especially without participating in the "guidance" of some leaders who are determined to be at the forefront of this movement only achieve their own personal ambitions or group. " [4]
If we analyze in depth the characterization that David makes the APPO, the same amounts to disturb the chiefdoms of the PRI and even leaders of the APPO in the last election were thwarted their 'legitimate' aspirations.
Beyond the various trends and differences in policy objectives within the APPO and the teachers' movement to Section XXII of the CNTE, which has become known as the Oaxacan Social Movement, which remains latent conflict outcome seems to sail with impunity as the best style of government.
URO, the tyrant, also known as the 'raccoon more ', has tried again' full car 'in the municipal elections, the districts of Central, which account for a majority of municipalities governed by the party system are vital to continue without disturbance of any kind, the Wind Corridor megaproject of the Isthmus, which chairs the Planning Council URO own. Even the fact that some municipalities such as Juchitán, Tehuantepec, Union Hidalgo have been won by the opposition to the PRI, this is not a real opposition to the mining project, as these city governments have shown in a subservient to transnational corporations. This is shown by the PRD mayor of Juchitan in recent years has signed authorizations and permissions of 'land use change' to facilitate the installation of wind turbines on its territory.
In the vast majority of peoples and communities of Oaxaca, is recognized by Indian intellectuals and a number of organizations, the existence of commonality and the lifestyles of indigenous peoples [5], from the first characterization of Floriberto Diaz, [6] posed that consists of 4 key elements are: land, partying, work and power, the latter two represented, in the case of communal work by tequio the Gozon, the hand turn, and in the case of communal power by the assemblies. In a graphic illustration of these elements into a community flower, Rendón put the corn in the middle of them, giving significant importance to maize.
With regard to commonality, we would like to pointed in principle is a concept with historical and anthropological sense, from within the indigenous vision, with a high cultural connotations concerning the analysis of the lifestyle of indigenous peoples, in fact Rendón is under the 'system we call cultural community', but also believes that it is not finished and unchanging entity but something in constant motion and change, probably the dialectical character of the concept is owed some Anthropologists consider the absence of 'conceptual rigor. "
The concept allows a comparative analysis especially while in his historical existence, "the fundamental similarity of the indigenous legacy of their ancient culture - even with its changes and differences, and even links to the indigenous peoples is communal life, or commonality, which can be understood as equal rights and obligations of all members of the community to participate in deciding the fate of this and to enjoy its goods and products.
[1] Speech by Subcomandante Marcos, in the final plenary of the National Indigenous Forum on 7 January 1996. Taken from Ce-Reed, Journal of Culture of Anahuac, Double No. special, 76-77, January 1996, p.85.
[2] Tuapurie Declaration of the Indian National Congress, Central-Pacific region, given in akwaixit + in + a, New Colony, Tuapurie indigenous community of Santa Catarina Cuexcomatitlán, Wixárika territory on 27 November 2005.
[3] would be the case: the Zapatista Movement expressed in the Other Campaign in Mexico and internationally, the Landless Movement in Brazil, among others.
[4] David Venegas, Letter from Prison Ixcotel, Oaxaca Different paths, August 5, 2007.
[5] Definition of the concept of commonality, used by Master Juan José Rendón Monzón. (RIP)
[6] Floriberto Díaz, an indigenous Mixe, founder of the Mixe People's Services, before his death in 1995 promoted major national meetings that foreshadowed the profile of the National Indigenous Movement in Mexico.
Subscribe to:
Post Comments (Atom)
0 comments:
Post a Comment