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Autonomy: a specific form of exercising the right to self-determination and its scope - SERVICES Mixe, AC

Within the International Bill of Human Rights promulgated by the United Nations Organization, the Covenants on Civil and Political Rights and on Economic, Social and Cultural both the first article devoted entirely to the issue of free determination, and establish that this is a human right that all people possess. Being located in the first place the text and be granted a prominent space, denotes the exceptional nature of this right, on being recognized for all peoples, we as indigenous peoples can also claim. Several

on international law ^[1] have listed several elements that constitute and define the right to self-determination, which from our point of view, be classified as "self-determination" as the term "self determination" not is more than a literal translation of the word self-determination . These features are basically:

• The assertion, which implies the right of a people to proclaim their existence and to be recognized as such.

• The self, which is the power to determine Who are the members that make up this town.

• The autodelimitación, which entails the right to define their own boundaries.

• Self-organization, which is the recognized power to procure a people to himself his own status within a state framework.

• The self, which expresses the ability of people to manage their own affairs, that is, to govern and be administered freely under its statute.

One of the concrete forms of exercising the right to self-determination is autonomy. This allows the free expression internal determination of peoples and, conversely, does not involve the exercise of the right to external self-determination, ie the right to establish direct relations with other states independently. "Autonomy", therefore, not be confused with "sovereignty", since the latter, as defined by law, is a power that only have the states, which means "supreme power ... to decide on final instance of all that is for the public good, with a monopoly of physical coercion . " ^[2] 2 Therefore, we consider autonomy as the area of \u200b\u200bintersection between the right to internal self-determination of peoples and the constitutional right of states.

Autonomy is the way to exercise collective self-determination to indigenous peoples in Mexico are demanding for years. We do not wish, therefore, a separation from the Mexican state, but we are only demanding greater freedom to own, control and manage our lands, to regulate our political, economic, social and cultural as well as to influence decisions National affecting us. As stated in the V State Forum on Indigenous Reality, Black Farmers and held in May 1995 in Oaxaca, we understand that autonomy is the ability to decide not only our destiny but also on more immediate issues and actions and daily in communities with an identity and awareness of their own, and with sufficient capacity for openness to communicate with other citizens of the country and the world . ^[3]

Self-determination, and autonomy, if this is the form that is chosen freely, we can also characterize a fundamental indigenous rights, as for the Indians can fully enjoy our individual rights must be previously we recognize our right to be collectively different from other people. No man can develop fully outside a social context, which should preferably be his own people and culture. Freedom is not exercised in the abstract but in the context of a specific society, and this is especially clear in the case of indigenous people, who always define our identity in the first place as part of a collective (family, community and people.)

must also distinguish between "autonomy" and "administrative decentralization" means an autonomous powers derive directly from the law, not an administrative body. According EL Llorens " more autonomy does not support amending the legislative and judicial ", while " decentralization also supports the administrative ." ^[4] But in any case, the recognition of autonomy regimes always implies a political and administrative decentralization of the state, decentralization will be more or less extensive depending on the case, and that its best option would include autonomous legislative body.

Following this reasoning, it is not possible to speak of a regional model and a level of legal and political decentralization that is applicable to all cases and all states. Being a self-realization of the right to self-determination, that freedom must be shown as the power to choose what should be the scope of autonomy and what are the specific skills that will assume an autonomous entity. This should be consensus with the state, as the scheme of autonomy implies a negotiation between the two parties. All without losing sight of that as socio-political conditions and the balance of power between the state and autonomous institutions are changing, can not think of the existence of any agreement or definitive regional model.

In fact, in the case of mixes, autonomy is not something new we're going to build from scratch. Although there is no specific word in Mixe that can be translated as autonomy among us has been practiced in many ways what we might call community autonomy, which in our language we designate as the ability we have to "give us our standards" and "exercise our authority" ("kâ'âm aana'amân", "kâ'âm kotujkân). The approach we ask now is that what is already given in fact be recognized law, and is also gradually expanded. If just enjoy ourselves with the autonomy of fact, we run the risk that the state at any time you want recortárnosla. However, if it instituted in our constitutional right to autonomy, then we would be talking about political and legal arrangements agreed , not granted . ^[5]

addition to what we noted above, in our case the demand for autonomy that we propose is based on several facts:

• In our cultural differences regarding other social sectors that comprise the Mexican state as well as the political will, every time the Indians have more clearly that the recognition of our difference has a realization not only in cultural but also political.

• In that, if you wanted to ignore this fact as "groups", "ethnic" or "populations", indigenous peoples are effectively and, therefore, we need the recognition of our collective rights to be possible full enjoyment of our individual rights.

• Another factor underlying our demand for autonomy is that they have historically been ignored and marginalized. While laws have established the alleged equality of all Mexicans, in actual practice no state institutions have served us and our peoples have been subjected to a total situation of inequality from colonial times. Therefore, it must now be instituted in a positive asymmetry between indigenous peoples and other social sectors of the Mexican state, which makes it possible for us to go slowly matching the rest of the nation in the enjoyment of the privileges enjoyed by our Indian compatriots. Contrary to what some people have said, this does not create inequality among Mexicans, but try to alleviate the existing ones.

• Note also that from the time of colonialism, territorial division that has been implemented in Mexico, ostensibly ignored the reality and the territorial configuration of our people, so we think right to start thinking about implementing a new territorial map according to our realities.

addition to these domestic considerations, it should be noted that the claim raised by indigenous autonomy is framed in a global context in our country there is widespread demand for greater democracy and political participation. At this juncture, the formulas must be sought to democratize Mexican state and to decentralize decision-making in all respects will depend on the specific social sector we are referring to: the demands for greater political participation that make groups of young people, women ... must find answers from other formulas. Autonomy is not a "recipe" applies to everyone. But in the case of indigenous people, we hold that, while not a panacea that will suddenly solve all the problems of marginalization and exploitation that our people and the recognition of different levels of autonomy will be a first step to enable the strengthening of our culture and our social, political, economic and legal, we will outline our future and at the same time the state undertakes to respect our collective and individual rights.

Thus, the demand for indigenous autonomy that we in no way should be seen in isolation from the rest of the nation. We believe that such autonomy should be seen as one of the mechanisms by which to conduct in-depth reform of the state that is clearly necessary, and implement the new federalism of both spoken in our country, which must be characterized by a state totally different relationship with our people. If we request further participation in instances National is also because we want some institutions to improve and we are convinced that the Indians, from our specificity, we can make contributions to the rest of the national society.

Therefore, we think the recognition of our autonomy as something that will not only benefit and strengthen the indigenous but which will strengthen the unity of the whole nation, to open pathways towards true integration of all peoples that make up Mexico and allow open dumping in the country the contributions of our different cultures, in a relationship of equals.

However, that autonomy not only a dead letter, it is absolutely necessary that the political and legal recognition is accompanied by a deep fiscal decentralization of the state to provide sufficient resources to different autonomous entities.

the demand for autonomy has been making for years an increasing number of indigenous organizations in Latin America. In the case of Mexico, in recent years and especially since the Zapatista uprising of January 1994 to date, is taking an important step in the debate concerning indigenous rights, and specifically in relation to the subject matter occupies.

But not only we are Indians who are debating this issue in our forums, but have also ventured into non-indigenous academic discussion and representatives of state institutions.

After the Indian National Convention, arising from momentum of the Zapatista National Liberation Army, one of the most important forums in which autonomy is discussing is the Plural Indigenous National Assembly for Autonomy (ANIPA). She has been involved in indigenous delegates from all states of Mexico along with academics, and basically what they propose is the establishment of an autonomous system regional indigenous areas. Have also pointed out that this system of self must be inclusive and based on the following principles:

• national unity in diversity;

• equality of all Mexicans in the plurality;

• fraternity among its members, and equal to each other in all identity groups, Indians and non Indians.

recently ANIPA representatives have appeared before the U.S. Congress an initiative decree for the creation of autonomous regions , setting out these and other approaches.

For its part, the Mexican state, through the National Commission for Integral Development and Social Justice for Indigenous Peoples, in recent months is also working on a reform Draft Articles 4 and 115 constitutional , which in its current draft proposes several measures to strengthen the position of the indigenous community. This text, therefore, shows a willingness to recognize and increase the autonomy of our communities, but never considers other wider level of autonomy, but is limited only to the community level.

Finally, would fail to address another aspect that is also involved in our demands for autonomy and greater democracy. Since what we want is not separate from the Mexican state, but integrate it on an equal footing with other social sectors, it is important to see what other mechanisms should be established to ensure the participation of indigenous men and women in national life and to analyze how the joint would be made possible regimes of autonomy with the national system. Subscribe to this effect the following proposals:

• First, and as regards the election of deputies of proportional representation to Congress, has long been raised in our country the desirability of adding to the five existing constituencies a particular constituency, whose members would be elected solely by Indians.

• regard to the majority representatives on the Congress, its submission Plural Indigenous National Assembly for Autonomy in that legislative body includes within its concept of regional autonomy, a proposal for a integrate autonomous regions or more new districts.

• Finally, it should also create mechanisms to facilitate our participation in the state legislatures. In the case of Oaxaca, the Indians are considering the need for reforms to make our state constitution so as to create these channels of participation.

In each of these three cases, it is important to stress the need for the appointment of members is made based on our own means of representation and not through political parties.

Ultimately, the issue of autonomy is broad and complex and we are aware that the issue end there: not enough to obtain a decree saying that we are autonomous, but it all depends on how far the Indians have the capacity and strength necessary to achieve the effective attainment of this right ours. However, even assuming that the state fully complied with legal provisions, the pursuit of freedom always has a utopian component, really, can not imagine the autonomous communities or regions and islands that can fully escape the sea of \u200b\u200bworld globalization of the economy, the mass media, etc.. ^[6]

However, like all utopia, freedom and self-determination are landmarks that inspire us in our walk as indigenous.

The scope of autonomy

As we said in our earlier presentation, since 1994 Mexico has been emphasized in the discussion on the issue of autonomy, there are various views that were expressed to Over the same. On the one hand, and in regard to how indigenous autonomy should adopt all the proposals are intended to raise the autonomy from territorial criteria rather than ethnic . Specifically, we are talking about three areas land where they could be given autonomy:

1. community
Township

3. The region (multi-ethnic or mono-ethnic)

Each of these areas or levels implies some scope and limits to try to analyze, to discern their respective advantages and disadvantages. It is therefore very important not to lose sight of the fact that in Mexico, and of course, in Latin America, there are a variety of political, social, etc., so that what might be appropriate in a given context can not be in another. In our case, the proposals will be done by basically taking into account the circumstances in which we find the mixes.

a] Community Empowerment

The existence of a true community autonomy would, in our view, the full recognition and exercise the following powers to the communities:

IN THE ECONOMIC FIELD:

• Control and manage the use of communal lands and natural resources of the community.

• Plan and execute community development projects.

• raise their own taxes and receive financial resources of the municipality, state and federation, administering its discretion.

IN THE POLITICAL FIELD:

• select and nominate to the EU authorities based on their own mechanisms and without the interference of political parties.

Take

• assembly decisions affecting the public life of the community.

• participate in the election of municipal authorities concerned and, where appropriate, the autonomous regional government. This should include both voting power as to be voted / as.

in the legal field:

• agree, maintain and modify the social and legal norms governing the life of the community.

• fully exercise jurisdictional powers to prosecute breaches of those standards through traditional authorities, provided that the community expresses its willingness to do so and execute the resolutions.

in the religious field:

• entry

  decide freely whether or not churches in the community.

  Practice

• their own religious beliefs and rituals without interference of any church.

IN THE EDUCATIONAL FIELD:

• decide on the curricula and teachers who will participate in the community.

b] municipal autonomy

municipal autonomy demand is being raised in our country not so much by the Indians but by other social sectors. In this sense, is taking a claim to greater opportunities for decision for municipalities, including the demand for full implementation of the provisions currently already set out in Article 115 of our Constitution and its enlargement.

For the Indians, in general the figure of the municipality of others and just feel like we give importance, so that proposals on this type of autonomy, which so far have worked less. However, from our point of view would indicate that, in the necessary reform of the state to be implemented in Mexico, should also be changes in the functioning of the municipality.

The Constitution, in Article 115 relating to municipalities, started from the principle of equality of all these. However, in our view it would be necessary in the national constitution and the state will regulate specifically the municipalities located in indigenous areas, recognizing the status of indigenous MUNICIPALITY , to accommodate the cultural specificity and regulations they have. Currently, the Mexican legal system does not take sufficient account of our characteristics. For example, the Oaxaca State Constitution, Article 82, stipulates that the mandate of the municipal authorities will be for three years, while in practice, the vast majority of indigenous municipalities in our state, all the charges are valid for one year.

Moreover, within the changes that are needed, we need to give municipal participation in your local communities in the election of their authorities and, above all, financial resources transferred to them in proportion as to date, often the municipal and police agencies do not receive any resources. Similarly, and in case they were to establish a Regional Autonomy Mixe, would be very difficult to give a direct relationship between it and the approximately cientoveintitrés mixes communities that exist. Therefore, probably the town Indian could play a role as an intermediary body, for administrative and representation.

c] Regional autonomy

From our point of view, it is not sufficient for regional autonomy were purely administrative, but they must have both executive and legislative powers and judicial. Some of the specific powers that we believe should be:

ECONOMIC LEVEL:

• Regulate the use, preservation, use, control and defend their territory natural resources and environment, in coordination with communities and municipalities in the region.

• Planning and implementing regional development programs. In any case, having a direct involvement in the plans to the federation and the state have for the region.

• negotiate and receive funds from the federation and the state and distributed proportionally in its territory. Where appropriate, institute taxes that allow capital raising for their region. Manage

• possible compensation and development funds that were to establish the state to mitigate the economic imbalances of regions autonomous from the rest of the nation.

• Provide administrative and technical support for the development of their region, at all levels (economic, political, cultural, etc.).

IN THE POLITICAL FIELD:

• Operate upper body coordination between indigenous communities and municipalities, and between them and national authorities.

• Through a legislative body, to recognize and issue general rules according to the general principles underlying the right Mixe, with jurisdiction throughout the regional level.

• Having an executive body appointed based on the mechanisms of choice.

IN THE LEGAL FIELD:

• act as a second instance in the case of conflicts that exceed the scope of a community, or in the event of problems that communities voluntarily turns them because of their gravity. (This would, in our case, to institute a Court Mixe .)

-CULTURAL EDUCATION LEVEL:

• intercultural education plans in accordance with the reality and interests Indians, in coordination with state and national education authorities.

• effectively ensure that respect for the official status of indigenous languages \u200b\u200balongside English, and promote the use and development of indigenous languages.

Among the advantages of implementing regional autonomy, it was noted that financial resources would handle relatively high and would have the capacity to implement regional development plans. At the same time, would have a political power that would enable them to negotiate with states from a position of strength significantly greater than that of the communities and municipalities. However, the main disadvantage that we see this kind of autonomy would be among the mixes today there is no clear understanding on whether to establish regional autonomy and, therefore, if this were to be be lived as something alien to our demands. It has also been criticized also disadvantages of multi-ethnic autonomous regions, the difficulty that would demarcate the different political participation of indigenous and mestizo population who reside in the region and the danger of encouraging a more bureaucracy.

particular, and from what has been discussed in several community and regional forums, argue that the step that should be given priority now is to community autonomy. This is because we are convinced that the autonomy process must be built from the bottom up and not vice versa. At present, although in many ways has not obeyed our will, the reality is that our everyday experience mixes collective dimension primarily at the community level.

mixes communities, through different historical circumstances, we have developed and maintained our community values. Thanks to them we managed to cope so far with our own efforts, and we have built with our tequios the municipal offices, schools, temples ... without any outside help. Strongly wish to maintain these values \u200b\u200band the social, economic, political, legal and cultural derived from them, as we have been doing so far. In particular, we are concerned the strengthening of our independence with regard to maintaining control over our lands and in the sense of community assemblies continue to function through to make our decisions and to elect officials who will represent us. We believe that community autonomy is the most appropriate way to preserve these securities in the community.

On the proposal to prioritize autonomy Community has been criticism that could contribute to greater fragmentation of indigenous peoples and fostering relationships linked to the central cacique. ^[7] In this regard, we note that the gap between our communities and in the mixes is this an unfortunate reality we face. And as the second argument, in the Mixe region, even despite the isolation of our communities, only isolated cases have occurred chieftaincy problems. In fact, precisely the worst despotism experiences we have lived the mixes have had a regional character. That is why among us remains a distrust of the possibility that one or a few individuals come to hold power or representation of the whole region, for fear that then do not take into account the will of the communities in which we are all represented themselves. Therefore we can say that in general, that mixes isolation of communities has contributed more than anything to strengthen the independence and sense of identity for each one of them.

However, this must not be interpreted as meaning that we cling to the Community dimension. It is clear that such autonomy has its limits very clear: an excessive localism can "forget" to that community as part of a people and the wider culture. On the other hand, economic resources only allow communities to undertake development projects of small scale, and often do rely on other top administrative bodies to have a longer range.

Aware of these limits, facing a perhaps not very distant future, yes we plan to achieve regional autonomy, which in our case, since the eighteen municipalities mixes form a compact territory, should be mono-ethnic character. At the regional level multiethnic, the experiences we have had so far to meet different communities mixes, Zapotec and Chinantec have proved positive and encouraging, but we believe that we still have matured a lot in this regard. We find it hard to think right now postulate a regional autonomy for the mixes when present, between us, there are regional meetings only every two or three years. In contrast, our daily life takes place mostly within the community and, therefore, from our point of view of community autonomy is the foundation of the building. That is why mandatory should be strengthened first community level.

Therefore, we hold that in the national and state laws should take measures to:

1. The extensive recognition and effective respect for the legal personality of indigenous communities as social entities, political, economic, cultural and legal, and not only in regard to agriculture, as currently recognized in Article 27 of the Constitution.

2. The implementation of a real administrative and fiscal decentralization and the granting of greater financial resources to communities and municipalities.

3. The inalienable, indefeasible, and applicability of our lands.

4. Full respect for the communal statutes in the various fields community life, not just in agriculture.

5. recognition and respect for our indigenous legal systems and the specific rules that exist in each of our communities. This would include legal recognition of the power of our traditional authorities to prosecute offenses committed within the community, based on the legislative powers and if they so choose.

6. guarantee respect for our own mechanisms for election of officers, by assembly, without resorting to political parties; conceiving authority as a service and taking into account the charges previously completed by the individual.

On this last point, several indigenous organizations recently presented to the House of Representatives of the state of Oaxaca a proposed amendment to the Code of Political Institutions and Electoral Procedures and some articles of the Constitution of the State. Our demand is that which is legally recognized and there is in fact the vast majority of communities and municipalities in Oaxaca, and therefore deleting the requirement to register by political party and elected officials meeting. This reform proposal was unfortunately not accepted in full, but was approved to remove this obligation.

These would propose legal reforms to be taken more immediately. But the changes should not be there. Given the wide range of situations in which we find the various indigenous peoples of Mexico, we think the Constitution should pick up the different possibilities of realization of autonomy have been raised by organizations and indigenous representatives from around the country over the months. Therefore, the Mexican legal system should include a comprehensive and flexible model of autonomy for each Indian territorial entity could choose which one best suits your situation. In the case of indigenous areas, the Constitution should regulate the three levels of autonomy, community, municipality and region-whether or mono-ethnic, multiethnic, together with the states and the federation, would be the five "stories" the organization of the Mexican state. In this sense, the Constitution, since it is the highest law of the country, should reap some of the general principles governing the functioning of indigenous autonomy, while the specific requirements for each situation, for each community, town, village or region, should be regulated in the constitutions of the states and in the statutes respective autonomy.

---

Notes:

[*]	Paper People's Services Mixe, AC, general coordinator Adelfo Regino Montes, National Indigenous Forum held in San Cristobal de las Casas, in January 1996.
[1]	See Joseph A. Obieta Chalbaud The human right of self-determination of peoples , Tecnos, Madrid, 1985, and Esterbauer Frier, "The right of self-determination of peoples" in Self-determination of peoples. A challenge for Europe Euskadi , 2000 Country, Bilbao, 1985.
[2]	Mexican Legal Dictionary, Porrua-UNAM-IIJ, Mexico, 1991.
[3]	V Reality State Forum on Indigenous and Peasant Black Memory , Cenami, AC, May 1995, Oaxaca, Oaxaca.
[4]	Cited by Héctor Díaz-Polanco, regional autonomy. Self-determination of indigenous peoples , Siglo XXI, Mexico, 1991, p. 166.
[5]	See Díaz-Polanco, op. cit. p. 151.
[6]	See José del Val, "Worldview, legal practices of indigenous peoples and autonomy "in Ojarasca , ns. 31-32, Mexico, 1994.
[7]	Díaz-Polanco," The autonomy, a Mexican development "in Ojarasca , n. 44, Mexico, 1995, p. 34.

How To Connect Ceiling Fan With Regulator

APPO Two years later: where does social movement in Oaxaca? Oaxaca

The intention to concentrate efforts in organizing direct horizontal and community, and the refusal to rely on political parties, government or organizations is very promising hierarchical

Scott Campbell ceremonies at the Cathedral. Oaxaca in the coming months will see more mournful marches twenty-four and this figure will only grow as efforts are made to identify at least eight bodies discovered in clandestine graves recently in Oaxaca's main cemetery. In

representing an entire life from the perspective of social movements and just a blink for lengthy history, have gone little over two years since the people of Oaxaca erupted in spontaneous but deep-seated rebellion against of brutal rule by Ulises Ruiz Ortiz (URO) and all it represents. The Popular Assembly of the Peoples of Oaxaca (APPO) was formed just few days after the assault troops URO organize raids in the center of the city on 14 June 2006 in an attempt to remove the encampment of striking teachers (after regrouping, the teachers and their supporters retook the Zócalo .) In essence, the APPO was born as a horizontal group consensus-driven and rooted in ancient indigenous practice of assemblies. David Venegas, APPO participant and member of the anarchist group VOCAL, recently wrote in the Oaxacan daily Noticias that "forget and ignore the Popular Assembly of the Peoples of Oaxaca is naturally opposed to power. For the horizontal, respect for consensus and respectful dialogue are the principles core assembly. "[1]

For more than five months, APPO controlled the city of Oaxaca and much of the state. Not until Vicente Fox, in one of his farewell decisions of the Presidential office, shipping a federal paramilitary police on 25 November that URO regained "control." It would be more clear that the APPO lost physical control and nothing else. Much has been written about those "days of freedom", as he called a friend, so it is unnecessary to chronicle in this space. I recommend those interested in reading the details of The People Decide: Oaxaca's Popular Assembly of Nancy Davies, available at NarcoNews.com. A dos años, ¿qué queda en Oaxaca? ¿La APPO quedó reducida a mero mecanismo para recordar a sus miembros caídos? ¿Se vale decir, como URO afirma con insistencia epiléptica, que "aquí no pasa nada"? ¿O lo que vemos es la crisálida de un movimiento que se vuelve a consolidar para resurgir con la misma efervescencia pero con renovada asertividad? Sin duda, hay mensajes encontrados y estamos lejos de prever lo que esté por venir. El panorama resulta fácilmente sombrío. no clear divisions, but the conflict more or less can generally reveal two camps: those who have chosen to exploit the political and social weight of the APPO to enter the political system and try to get what you can, and those reject any relationship with the system and disappeared in 2006 killed their comrades. This has created as KIAD Cross points out, OaxacaLibre.org editor, "a general paralysis" [2] within the social movement and in its current formulation there is no hope of advancement.

This disagreement has resulted in reducing displays of social mobilization under the banner of the APPO and, dealing another blow to the organization now lacks capacity to act, the disputes between the two sides tend to be public. An example of this mutual animosity occurred during a march held on 10 August to commemorate the murder of Jose Jimenez Colmenares. As the procession stopped at the place where Jimenez fell, anarcho-punks group left graffiti on the walls building from which Jimenez was shot to death. A couple of pints denounced Zenen Bravo: "Our dead do not fit in the polls. Understand, Zenen!" Screamed the walls.

Bravo, former board member of the APPO and organizer of the Popular Revolutionary Front (FPR), a Marxist-Leninist group - Stalinist, is now a state representative. Elected in 2007, his decision to contest jointly by the PRD-TConvergencia (political parties' center-left ") was a terrible blow to the integrity of the APPO which as a rule, rejected any involvement with political parties and electoral politics.

Then, during the march, Germain Mendoza Nube, another leader of the RPF, his speech was interrupted with cries of "traitor." RPF members who ran for shouting (anarcho-punks, members of the anarchist group VOCAL, and others) and almost broke a street brawl between members of the APPO. The next day, on par with the dispute referred to in the media, the site's "official" APPO exaggerated the incident and denounced VOCAL. The following week there was a march by Lorenzo San Pablo, another member of the APPO who was killed, organized by VOCAL, but the site's "official" APPO did not see fit to talk about it.

While this dispute is evident in the streets and on the Internet, members of the APPO who are thirsty power remain in full affair with their former oppressors, now colleagues, while those who wish to remain loyal to the original premise of the APPO propose to construct something new. It is precisely this stage of consolidation, deliberation, and reconstruction that fuels the hope of a successful social movement. In recent weeks, several initiatives were consolidated as an example of this new path:

* We conducted a five day citizens' forum in the residential area of \u200b\u200breform in early August. The forum took up the encouragement of community success in preventing the construction of a Chedraui, a Wal-Mart supermarket kind, after the company, at 4 am, Talara 200 trees in the park where they hoped to build the store. The forum did not just discuss what to do with the thin space, also addressed the theme of "participatory democracy, the city we love" [3], and the problems facing each neighborhood in the city and what steps can be taken collectively solve these problems independently of political parties and government.

* is ongoing degree of "barefoot researchers", organized by VOCAL and alternative education project Universidad de la Tierra (Unitierra). This project arranges free entry and free five-hour meetings every two weeks for several months in order to perform, among other activities, "a systematic reflection on the economic, social and political life of Oaxaca, national and global perspective, with emphasis on autonomous social movements, ie those who struggle from the grassroots to transform society without taking power the state. "[4]

* More recently, held the First Assembly of Community Radio Stations and Free / Pirate in Zaachila, Oaxaca, in late August. Participating stations created a permanent assembly to promote and defend the community radio stations and Indians, one of the most important tools for social movement and a subject of constant attacks of the state. [5]

In a recent interview with Noticias, Gustavo Esteva, president of the board of Unitierra long-winded and academic specializing in social movements, noted that "no doubt" ... in 50 years of study of the social situation in Oaxaca, "I have never seen such movement and effervescence down", which should worry the government ... He explained this social effervescence is "invisible to the media because there is nothing spectacular, is not defined by marches but concretized in initiatives for the generation of a new social fabric." [6]

Reflecting on this new movement, KIAD Cruz proposes naming "comunalicracia:" It is important to reflect in our actions if our movement is beyond the ideological or we are a movement that has a face and a heart that we intuitively know is from the depths of our way of thinking, feeling and acting that we inherited from our ancestors ... If this intuition is confirmed between

tod @ s

building roads we can define that action. "[7]

only hope the outcome of these forums, seminars and meetings. However, it is clear that though the APPO may be fragmented, both by internal divisions as government repression, the people's will to continue the fight remains steady. The intention to concentrate efforts in organizing direct face to face, and horizontal community and the refusal to interact with or depend on political parties, government or hierarchical organizations is very promising. Ensures that what emerges will be a genuine movement of the Oaxacan people. A movement whose direction, actions, and victories will of the people.

As noted David Venegas, "The power, more than superficial wounds to lick that body has made action on the rebellious town in 2006, and although they paint and decorate with words of social peace, reconciliation and development in its horrendous body will not be able to heal the deepest wound caused by the people in 2006, the wound on the source of its strength by the consciousness gained by our people of the unsustainability of the situation and the need to fight tirelessly to obtain justice, freedom, dignity and true peace. It is this mortal wound that remains at the heart of power and which has never recovered. "[8]

Notes 1. Venegas, David." The balance of power. "Noticias - Voz e Image of Oaxaca. 13/08/2008.

http://vocal.lahaine.org/articulo.php?p=179 . News did not publish the Opinion section on its website. http://www.lahaine .org / index.php? p = 32214

2. Cruz, KIAD. "Turning the corner."

Oaxacalibre.org
. 24/08/1908.

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3. Http://www.kaosenlared.net/noticia/oaxaca-ciudad-de-ciudadanos

4. Http://lahaine.org/index.php?p=17134

5. Oaxacalibre.org

6. Matias, Pedro. "Incompetent play with fire: Gustavo Esteva"

News - Voice and Image Oaxaca. 03/08/1908.

7. See Cruz, KIAD, op. cit.

8. See Venegas, David, op. cit.

English Translation Atenea Acevedo. VOCAL,

http://vocal.lahaine.org

one year on: The mirror of Mexico - Claudio Albertani

June 13, 2007 at 14:37 pm (

test)

Claudio Albertani

Rebellion War

is peace freedom is slavery, ignorance is force

George Orwell

Oaxaca is at peace and reflects a climate

quiet Ulises Ruiz, May 10, 2007
A year after the outbreak of the conflict teachers, Oaxaca is the mirror of Mexico. The process is advancing by leaps and bounds rightward, but also advances the rebellion that seeks and sometimes finds new ways. The poverty they live about 67% of the Oaxacan (2 million 349 000 570 people from a total of 3 million 506 thousand 821, according to official figures) and inequality "is a feature that they can not form an active part in society", according to the World Bank. [1] Crucible

indigenous and mestizo cultures in recent years, the state capital has become a huge showcase for tourists who provides money to local investors, domestic and foreign, but very little to ordinary citizens foot. With the arrival of Ulises Ruiz Ortiz (URO) for governor in late 2004, this situation was exacerbated by a renewed authoritarian cycle, characterized by the discretionary use of public resources, increased drug trafficking the destruction of historical and natural heritage, the harassment of independent media, and all kinds of repression. Clumsy and ruthless man, Ruiz Ortiz won at the polls, but, as Felipe Calderon, by way of fraud.

URO wars

Far from being a remnant of the past, the despotism that prevails in Oaxaca summarizes and illustrates the sharp contradictions of contemporary Mexico. Some speak about it, a process latent fascism. [2] Without going into the debate, the fact is that the right wing oligarchy in archaic and modernization drives aggressive power and exclusion while at the same time, there emerges a social insurgency wide, unknown and threatening. This right goes for everything, does not seek legitimacy and agreements but merely enrich and perpetuate itself. In Oaxaca and elsewhere, the program is the same: to dismantle the last vestiges of the welfare state, subjecting the country to the needs of transnational capital and end with what smells right. The specific political and internal wars, which do exist, they matter little, beyond dispute as needed this right encompasses not only the PAN, but much of the PRI and even the so-called institutional left.

The perpetuation in office of URO and has received support from two executives consecutive federal (that of Vicente Fox and Felipe Calderón) do not clash with the national picture: the first months of the new PAN administration is characterized by the militarization of the country's main indigenous regions, numerous killings by the army and the application United States to implement in Mexico a "Plan Colombia" under the pretext of combating drug trafficking. [3]

ruling in the case of Oaxaca, its arbitrary character was perceived from his campaign. On July 27, 2004, at a ceremony held at proselytizing Huautla de Jimenez, his followers killed Professor Serafin Garcia sticks on the sole crime to oppose his candidacy. Like many others, the crime went unpunished. [4]

August 1, election day, the vote counting system crashed three times, so that the "triumph" of URO-dubbed the largest raccoon [5] - was challenged by a coalition "Todos Somos Oaxaca" championed by Gabino Cue. It did not help: the cards were drawn and then, apparently, the governor was a payment for the dirty war, years before, had coordinated URO Tabasco against Andrés Manuel López Obrador, archenemy of PRI presidential candidate Roberto Madrazo.

Anyway, the first act of the governor was brand new trigger another war, this time against an independent newspaper, Noticias de Oaxaca, judged guilty of the crime of dissent. On June 17, 2005, thugs led by the PRI deputy and "union leader, David Aguilar, stormed the premises of the newspaper. The refusal of the newsroom to join a "strike", the attackers detained the 31 journalists present for more than a month. [6]

However, news because the hostages went out found a way to get information through Internet and the newspaper began printing in Tuxtepec, more than 200 miles from Oaxaca. When police ordered Ruiz Ortiz intercept the truck carrying it, its owner, Ericel Gómez, rented a plane for the newsboys be picked up at the airport, with the help of the teachers union. The dispute continued, the circulation dropped considerably, but ultimately survived News official harassment. Radicalized, yes, its editorial line by becoming the biggest selling newspaper entity. URO picking up his first loss.

Another characteristic event is the attack on Santiago Xanica, a Zapotec Indian community located in the Southern Highlands that for years fought for the respect of their collective rights. In December 2004, a few days of taking possession of URO, the army began to patrol the town and the January 15, 2005, the Preventive Police opened a crossfire against 80 Indians who were making a municipal cemetery near tequio. In the action was seriously wounded Abraham Ramírez Vázquez, leader of the Committee for the Defense of Indigenous Rights (CODEDI). Since the time of the murderers the victims are always guilty, the social activist was arrested without charge and to date is being held at the Pochutla. [7]

Soon after, URO embarked on a costly and environmentally harmful restructuring Oaxaca socket which earned him the antipathy of the local middle class, but allowed him to distribute huge amounts of money from their relatives.

the end of May 2006 in Oaxaca had about seventy political prisoners. Not satisfied, the governor opened fire on Section 22 of the National Union of Education Workers has about 70.000 members and a long tradition of independent struggle.
For years, in proximity to the Teachers' Day (May 15), teachers rented a camp in the center of the city to make their claims. The public complained, grumbled, but they rarely haggled sympathy. Catalysts of social consciousness, from dedicated and knowledgeable local deep reality, teachers are highly respected in the state.

On that occasion, called for the approval of his meager salary to national standards, a demand that also involved federal authorities. In the spring of 2006, however, closed all the doors of negotiation. URO launched threats trying to manipulate one of the factions of the movement against the other while the federal government disowned the case PAN is thought to strike and a blow to the PRI.

The camp started on May 22, without meeting much echo in the population. Emboldened, June 14, URO ordered their eviction relying on the element of surprise. Around 4:50 am, officers of several corporations backed by helicopters that dumped toxic grenades attacked the teachers with guns firing. In addition to causing panic among the public, the police destroyed everything they could, including the magisterial station facilities, "Radio encampment." The balance was about 200 injured and an unknown number missing. URO

and showed his willingness to tackle social discontent, as he had done weeks before the governor in Atenco PRI-also-the State of Mexico, Enrique Peña Nieto, with the enthusiastic cooperation of the federal executive PAN. [8] On the eve of the presidential election, the governor of Oaxaca, it sent the message of their leader, Roberto Madrazo, the PRI is the party of order. By then, elections were already bleeding.

Fire
What happened next illustrated once again that when the powerful are too eager to show just hurting their own interests. [9] The population that until then had remained passive, if not overtly hostile attitude changed pouring to the streets in solidarity with teachers.

They regrouped
facing the soldiers with stones and sticks, now aided by academics, civil society and ordinary citizens. Within hours, the angry crowd took up the socket reinstalling the camp despite URO. Then, the teachers ignored the governor, demanding, since that time, his resignation as a prerequisite and essential to resolve the dispute.

Day 16, a mega-march of about 300 thousand people showed the drag of the teachers. Citizens-students, parents, workers, bureaucrats and even, traders received them with applause, and when someone pulled out a banner that read "Ulysses was" everyone cheered.

Meanwhile, the Union de Comunidades Indigenas de la Zona Norte del Istmo (UCIZONI) Matías Romero protested by blocking the road for several hours transisthmic. Both events were a foretaste of things to come soon: the massive demonstrations in the capital and the ramifications of the movement in the rest of the state.

The movement took a turn when, on 18 June, it announced the establishment of the People's Assembly of Oaxaca (APPO), which, in addition to teachers, some 350 organizations converged very nature varied: unions, collective libertarian groups on the left old Marxist-Leninist, civil society organizations, indigenous peoples, workers, artists, students and individuals without party affiliation. APPO emerged and initiative of teachers as a way of channeling social support to their protest movement, but soon surpassed. On day 20, its members agreed to create an interim collective leadership made up of thirty people posing form a common front "to initiate a prolonged struggle to achieve the disappearance of powers, the removal of Ulises Ruiz Ortiz and the arrival of popular power." [10]

While the term "People power" may upset by evoking historical experiences, expressed the idea of \u200b\u200btransforming the living conditions of laying the foundations for a new relationship between society and government. Soon

born internal committees, such as news, barricades and propaganda. "We began to form a network of organizations, and any action that we would do was go through a consultation basis, both the teachers and the APPO itself." [11]

Anyway, job demands had already passed in the background before the demand for Ruiz's ouster, which in turn raised demand for democratization.

According Gustavo Esteva, within APPO together three different democratic struggles. [12] The first formal struggle for democracy: how to improve the conditions of representation, how to stop cheating and fraud in the electoral system, to limit manipulation of the media and ensure proper functioning of the institutions of rule of law. These demands are very strong in Oaxaca and highly visible within the APPO. Raises a second stream of participatory democracy, ie the strengthening of the popular initiative, the institution of legal figures of the referendum and the plebiscite, the possibility of revoking the mandates and the choice of what is called participatory budgeting, or the public services are made with the participation of citizens and not arbitrary. The third, radical democracy could be named said: we do not need up there is no political power, we need forms of administrative coordination, but nothing more. This current struggle for a society in which the origin of the law lies in the individual and collective autonomy of all human beings. It is a cross-current in Mexico is based on the experience of indigenous peoples, but also in urban struggles and anarchism.

In the words of David Venegas, "El Alebrije" APPO counselor, jailed since April 13, 2007 in Criminal Ixcotel, "it is possible Living together in a social order itself, emanating from the collective will and not the imposition of a government that is alien to the interests and needs of the people, a social order where the values \u200b\u200bthat prevail [...] are the fraternity, solidarity, cooperation and community defense and no longer a social order based on fear of punishment, the authority, public humiliation or jail. [13] expresses

What David has to do with the demand for self-organization and self-government of the masses who joined the movement and the aspiration to create a new world from the bowels of the old. In addition to explaining the overflow of trade unions and Marxist-Leninist these aspirations are still the best guarantee that the threat of fascism comes across a barrier.

Far from being an extremist, "radical democracy" is a realistic position, ie not far from the facts. It is not ideological, and that is not identified with any particular organization. It is also aware that it is dominant in the whole country. In Mexico, there is a caricature of formal democracy, a little participatory democracy, while democracy is radical expressions in indigenous communities, the Zapatistas and, as an aspiration, in some urban struggles. "So," concludes Esteva- We coexist with the first two streams, because we live in Mexico. We do not intend to separate from Mexico. Still here and we will accept some things of formal democracy, but we will try to do things our way. "

The party

At the end of June 2006, converged on the APPO not only a multitude of organizations, but approaches, individuals and feelings that somehow also refer to the old libertarian tradition that remains alive in magonismo the entity.

As outrage grew, the movement was seizing power, creativity and wealth. In the presidential elections of July 2, the APPO raised a punishment vote Ulises Ruiz. Although many of its members advocated a clear position abstention-and despite the usual manipulations and tricks ", the result was clear: Lopez Obrador won by a wide margin and the PRI was in third position, something never seen in the state.

What followed is a story narrated complex and still the only interests us here review some milestones. From the beginning, the APPO was inspired by the democratic practices of the Zapotec, Mixtec, Mixe, Amuzgo and other peoples. For this, he soon changed his name somewhat anachronistic-in "People's Assembly (the singular) for" People's Popular Assembly "(the plural), which involves several purposes. If the idea of \u200b\u200b"assembly" meant self-management forms which remain in force in 80 percent of the 570 municipalities in Oaxaca, so it was necessary to note that these assemblies have multiple and diverse expressions.

state capital itself is, among other things, an Indian metropolis since several of its colonies are built mainly by migrants going to and from their hometowns. Many of them joined the protests, some were teachers, more artisans and vendors. [14] Upon learning the facts, communities also joined bringing his vast experience and unflagging of grievances, poverty, oppression, marginalization, chiefdom, dispossession, neglect ...

Along came urban youth whose collective identity is constructed the neighborhood, music, clothing and art. "Marginalized and discriminated groups, not only by the government, as a prostitute @ s, gays, lesbians and other loves, were present, albeit discreet" making "the wrongs they suffer ell @ s were part of the collective cry for justice and freedom for tod @ s ". [15]

From June to October 2006, hundreds of thousands of people took to the streets in massive demonstrations in dozens of previously unseen proportions. Together they forged a plural control where various segments of society learned to live without giving up their differences and peculiarities. Ulises Ruiz detained together in hiding the facts eclipsing all government powers. Together they took public office, created self-government and justice administered by the "Honourable Corps Topiles" militia inspired by Indian tradition. [16]

was not a class movement in the traditional sense, because the working class is almost nonexistent in Oaxaca. [17] It was, perhaps, a movement of movements. There were people with the sickle and hammer on one side of the banners of the Virgin of Guadalupe and the A of anarchy, although most identified by their territorial belonging: neighborhood, district or community.

was not just a local movement, "the experience that we have today is thanks to what has been done in Ecuador, Brazil and Argentina. We have been aware of all the processes that have occurred in Latin America and also in the United States with our fellow immigrants. " [18]

Despite the media immediately met people like Flavio Sosa who hang tag, the APPO was also not a movement of leaders. In an interview I did a few days before his arrest, the same Flavio denied that role, "began to run this statement someone made a sign saying:" This movement is not leadership, it's cost base, and finished signing as a group. After a while, some smart guys loved him below boom "is not leadership, nor did the groups". "[19]

Much less was a movement to take power, despite the delusions of some Stalinist of its members. This was recorded, for example, in a graffiti that read the end of October 2006 in the street near the center Tinoco y Palacios Oaxaca's historic, "We want to force to govern, we will not fall into this provocation." What does it mean? Gustavo Esteva responds: "we are not interested in taking this government that this government is a structure of domination to control people and we do not want to occupy that role." [20]

face the atrocities of URO, people started a new process of self-organization and for many months, the capital city went through the unique experience of a life without a government and bureaucracy, but open to dialogue and innovation. The collective wisdom prevailed in a peaceful manner on the caravan of death, disappearances widely enforced and the abuses documented by human rights organizations nationally and internationally.

As a social revolution, many people discovered the hidden action capabilities. Women's participation was intense. Some of the participants had even voted for the PRI, but the movement awakened a new consciousness. One woman, grown up, all alone and without dignity rebel weapons, hijacked a bus, to make it serve the cause. And it was a group of women who operated the TV for 20 days on the facts proving the alternative communication exists.

have to study the role of the media were recovered as the spearhead of the movement. Taking the 12 commercial radio stations and Channel 9 local television began as defensive measures against the destruction of Radio Plantón and the damage inflicted on Radio Universidad, the only independent voice in the city. It is clear that the movement would not have developed so quickly without the radio, which continues to be an important lesson in and out of Oaxaca.

star

Announcer medical movement was 58 years old, the now world-famous Dr. Berta-transmitting from college radio day and night drinking coffee Delicate and smoking cigars. When I went was to meet the victims of repression: I myself saw the demonstrators distributing water from a Red Cross car.

all learned to recognize his voice hoarse with calm and serenity conveyed the needs of the protesters while raining bullets and gas. On November 3, day following the battle of CU who saw the PFP ignominious defeat, he said on Radio Universidad, as in the law, Plantón Radio, Channel 9, the communication is as it should be round trip, with connections via phone and internet open for overseas. If a man comes right now and says I want to pass a message Mr. pass and then give your message. People come and talk to his words, his thought, but also people are very objective. Maybe he does not speak English very well, but he knows what he wants. That no one's for. " [21]

Much has been made of the barricades and there has been evidence of "violence" exercised by the APPO. The reality is that the barricades came as defensive measures to curb the killings of the caravans of death of URO. There were at least 1500 of them, but nobody had any and never know the number for sure. Clear that its members-largely colonists experienced during long nights new forms of sociability and a true collective party.

festive appearance suggests, I think, the only relevant comparison with the Paris Commune, which, in turn, was defined as the biggest party of the nineteenth century. Should add that the Commune of Oaxaca was cut like his illustrious predecessor: there was in Mexico-nor out-large demonstrations in favor of the APPO.

should be added that the people of Oaxaca do not speak of "commune" but of "commonality", a term that refers to the local indigenous experiences. Anyway, it is clear that the boys from the barricades, which held the street fighting, were not "professional" and militants in the traditional sense. Were pure people-including street children as seen in a video of the collective evil eye [22] - people who knew nothing about urban warfare and the training in the heat of the facts.

And now?

The great social movement that shook Oaxacan society is one of the most important events in Mexico's recent history, something that can be compared only with the Zapatista uprising of 1994. The popular response to the abuses of URO was as unexpected as massive, creative and encouraging. The ecology of fear of Oaxaca responded to the ecology of the party that is deeply rooted local tradition. Against the delusions of power, reaffirmed their right to nonviolent tyrannicide expressed in the motto "already fallen, Ulises has already fallen."

The APPO is the result of a long process of accumulation of historical experiences, successes and errors, which converge in the common goal of democratizing the structures of power. Even when he saw the contents of that democratization is in dispute, the truth is that it was the axis that brought together a multifaceted movement that can not be understood from the traditional analysis of a sociological or Marxist.

"What is outlined in Oaxaca is in the line of continuity of the Paris Commune and the communities of Andalusia, Catalonia and Aragon created during the English revolution of 1936-1938, in which self-management experience laid the groundwork for a new society, "Raoul Vaneigem wrote in an appeal for international solidarity published in Mexico by La Jornada. [23]

Vaneigem is right in the sense of what happened in Oaxaca in 2006 is encouraging for all who seek alternatives to the prevailing barbarism within and outside Mexico. However, it is also true that repression annihilated those same hopes. Not evoke here the ordeal experienced by the people of Oaxaca from October 27 2006, the day they were murdered journalist Brad Will in Santa Lucia del Camino and an unknown number of people in Santa Maria Coyotepec.

The best source about that report remains the CCIODH the conclusions read as follows: "The Commission considers that the events in Oaxaca are a link in a legal strategy, police and military, with psychosocial and community whose goal last is to control and intimidate the civilian population in areas where processes are developed civic organization or social movements, non-partisan character. " [24]
participated in the experience and I bear witness that this conclusion is only moderate, but even it falls short to reality. While we found that there were at least 23 victims until the second fortnight of January 2007 (all on the side of motion), we could not document the large number of missing there since the beginning of the conflict. Why? Because terror is such that people did not dare to report the disappearance of their relatives, even before an as reliable as CCIODH.

The excesses of the security forces were not "excessive" or "errors", but a cool experiment in social engineering where the federal authorities acted in coordination with the locals. What did they want? Measure how much repression possibly hold a people without them escape the situation. Armando Bartra well you say, "prepare to face inflamed masses is to assume that they will appear." [25]

masses appeared in Oaxaca and, as in Central America in the 80's, the purpose was "to remove the water from the fish" (as they pray the counterinsurgency manual), spreading terror and show the average citizen what he can happen if you pass the line. The unprecedented penalty of 67 years recently inflicted on the leaders of Atenco, Oaxaca prisoners and their brothers, the horrendous crime of dissent, cast a sinister light on the Mexico Calderon.

What is the balance of seven months of counterinsurgency? The state of terror continues, despite official statements to the contrary. Given the gradual withdrawal of mass participatory silent voices of plurality and the Old Left groups gain spaces previously lacked. Or, rather, had some of their leaders as legitimate participants in the movement, not as part of this or that group.

Some of them work day and night to transform into a political organization APPO vertical Stalinist. This was, for example, Congress Establishing the APPO (10-12 November 2006) or the "Popular Assembly of Peoples of Mexico," largely failed attempt to "export" the APPO model, when a well-known exponent of the "Popular Revolutionary Front ( FPR) said unfettered "The movement in Oaxaca is a movement of leaders." [26]

A traditional struggles between the old organizations carrying costs 30 years of defeats, joined in February 2007 the division over the election issue: whether to participate in local elections to be held at end of June. Formed within the APPO, an electoral bloc (RPF FALP, NIOax, etc.) Which launched a battle to the death against the block abstention (VOCAL, CODEP, CIPO, POS, etc.).. In turn, the voting bloc is fractured by internal conflicts: who would stay with what application and how the party.

Eventually garnered much as anyone, with his usual generosity, the PRD were given a single application. The damage, however, were incalculable. One is, most likely, the arrest of David Venegas, APPO counselor, chosen by the barricades-sector member of VOCAL, libertarian and abstention. April 13, David was arrested while addressing a meeting of the APPO, under office fantasy of owning 30 grams of cocaine and two bags of heroin.

Weeks later released from jail serious allegations against some electoral bloc known leaders who claimed responsibility for his capture. Without going into the merits of the case, the fact is that David was arrested on the same complaint that they had circulated against him before his arrest. [27] There is more: in March, as part of its counter, the police had planted explosives in the vicinity of what had been the roadblock Brenamiel, a charge immediately denied by David himself at a press conference. [28]

So, it would be a futile exercise organizations find pure, separate the "good" from "bad" or "revolutionary" of the "reformers." The dividing lines do not pass through the organizations, but through them. Even among the Stalinists of the FPR are comrades valuable asset @ s. Revitalize the movement is not, either, an ethnic. The contribution of indigenous people is essential, no doubt, but they are not immune to corruption and the deadly lure of professional politics, as many have expressed to me personally.

David suggests that "if channel that offers the APPO [...] is narrow and limited, this heroic people know to search and find ways for their release. "[29] The diagnosis is severe, but is not very far from reality. Yet all is not lost. In Oaxaca, runs a question: how to recreate the magic moment we experienced last year? Only women and men who participated in the movement can find the answer.

Mexico City, June 10, 2007

[1] Quoted in Luis Arellano Mora, "Oaxaca: Poverty in figures"
http://www.transicionoaxaca.com.mx/index.php?option = com_content & task = view & id = 42 & Itemid = 75

[2] Carlos Fazio, "Toward a state of emergency?" La Jornada, December 4, 2006.

[3] La Jornada, June 9, 2007. See the paradigmatic cases of rape and murder of the old Ernestina Ascension in Sierra de Zongolica, Veracruz (La Jornada 27 February) and the slaughter of a family of 5 people in Sinaloa. guilty of "not having stopped at a checkpoint" (La Jornada, June 3).
[4] See International Civil Commission for Human Rights Observation (CCIODH), Report on the events in Oaxaca, http://cciodh.pangea.org/quinta/informe_oaxaca_cas.shtml

[5] In Mexico, call " raccoons' scrubbers not only bears but also the operators of electoral fraud by manipulating the votes cast at the polls turn defeat into victory, or nullify the victory of one party, usually from the opposition.

[6] Interview with Sanmartín Ismael Hernández, editor of Noticias de Oaxaca, December 29, 2006,
[7] See mexico.indymedia.org / tiki-download_file.php?

fileId = 62 [8] Committee on Civil International Human Rights Observation, Preliminary report on the events in Atenco, 2006, http://cciodh.pangea.org/cuarta/informe_preliminar.htm

[9] For this I relied rapid reconstruction in my own interviews, the report on Oaxaca, op. cit. and the story of Gustavo Esteva on the occasion of the Meeting of analysis of the social movement in Oaxaca. Dialogue between members of civil organizations and academic institutions in Oaxaca and Mexico City, Universidad de la Tierra, Oaxaca, March 18, 2007.

[10] La Jornada, June 19, 2006.

[11] Interview with Miguel Linares Rivera, by Hernán Ouviña, Mexico City, October 29, 2006, http://www.espacioalternativo.org/node/1731

[12] Interview with Gustavo Esteva, University Earth, Oaxaca, November 3, 2006

[13] David Venegas Reyes, "Alebrije", letter from Ixcotel, April 23, 2007, http://chiapas.indymedia.org/display.php3?article_id=144954
[14] Interview with Nicephorus Urbieta, May 3, 2007.
[15] David Venegas, letter cited.
[16] In indigenous communities, the "topiles" are elected assembly and free exercise of justice by baton and without carrying weapons.
[17] This led to the angry criticism of an anarchist group that was at the APPO movement of the petty bourgeoisie (¡!). See: "Oaxaca: APPO and reformism as usual" http://argentina.indymedia.org/news/2006/11/463625.php
[18] Miguel Linares Rivera, interview cited.
[19] Interview with Flavio Sosa, November 4, 2006.
[20] G. Esteva, interview cited.
[21] Interview with Dr. Berta Muñoz, Oaxaca, Ciudad Universitaria, November 3, 2006.
[22] This group has done an outstanding job of collecting the events in Oaxaca. See http://video.indymedia.org/en/2006/11/555.shtml
[23] Raoul Vaneigem, "Call of a partisan of individual and collective autonomy", La Jornada, November 11, 2006.
[24] CCIODH, "Conclusions and preliminary recommendations" http://cciodh.pangea.org/quinta/070120_inf_conclusiones_recomendaciones_cas.shtml.
[25] Armando Bartra, "The size of the challenges," Guillotine No. 56, Spring 2007.
[26] 11-12 November 2006, local SITUAM, Mexico City.
[27] David Venegas, letter of May 15, 2007,
http://www.vocal.lunasexta.org/davidvenegas/carta-de-david-15-de-mayo.html
[28] La Jornada, April 14, 2007.
[29] David Venegas, April 23, letter cited.

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